Off
the Rectangle!
Free-form Collage, 1969 -
Present
David Turner
Off the Rectangle

The Hostage Series
An exhibition of collage dedicated to American political prisoner
Jonathan Jay Pollard
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As
of 6 September, 2004
Day 6,845
"... Despite this plea bargain, Jonathan Pollard received a life sentence. I understand this to be a complete violation of the plea agreement he had reached with the government." Paul DiGaetano, Majority Leader, New Jersey General Assembly to President Clinton, October 6, 1999 |
To learn more about political prisoner Pollard visit his web page, Justice for Jonathan Pollard. In 1989 David Turner helped organize, and was first Director of Justice for the Pollards. His 1995 article, The Failure to Free Pollard, is reproduced on the Pollard web page. |
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2002, 38" x 40" x 8"
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2002, 42" x 39" x 5"
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2002, 14" x 16" x 6"
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2001, 77" x 41" x 13"
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2001, 63" x 37" x 5"
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2001, 62" x 39" x 7"
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2001, 68" x 43" x 11"
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2001, 52"x 49" x 12"
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2000, 56" x 42" x 8" For a visual tour of free-form collage construction process, see "The Making of a Collage".
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2000, 55" x 36" x 7"
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2000, 54" x 48" x 7"
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2000, 52" x 34" x 5"
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2000, 64" x 37" x 10"
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2000, 65" x 38" x 6"
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2000, 55" x 24" x 6"
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1999, 53" x 34" x 7"
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1999, 51" x 36" x 6"
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1999, 36" x 40" x 3"
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1999, 48" x 31" x 3"
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1999, 36" x 24" x 2"
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Collage, 1969 - 99
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1999, 131" x 88" x 10"
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1999, 132" x 73" x 10"
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1998, 137" x 117" x 12"
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"Safra l'Zahal"
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1998, 105 x 64" x 4"
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1998, 36" x 32" x 3"
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1997, 87" x 61" x 3"
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1997, 79" x 49" x 4"
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1997, 73" x 43" x 4"
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1997, 66" x 80" x 4"
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1997, 55" x 79" x 4"
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1996-7, 63" x 45" x 2"
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1996, 51" x 45" x 3"
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1996, 78" x 44" x 4"
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1996, 50" x 44" x 2"
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1995, 59" x 59" x 2"
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![]() 1981, 28" x 25" x 6" side
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![]() 1980-1, 120" x 78" x 15"
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![]() 1980, 15" x 16" x 6" side
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1980, 49" x 23" x 4"
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1980, 34" x 18" x 4"
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1980, 31" x 31" x 3"
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1980, 86" x 114" x 7"
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1979, 52" x 38" x 5"
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1975-9, 27" x 19" x 3"
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1978-9, 57" x 54"
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1978, 24" x 27"
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1977-8, 72" x 96" x 40"
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1975, 48" x 48"
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1975, 59" x 42" x 3"
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1976, 36" x 48"
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1970, 24" x 24"
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1969, 17" x 5"
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Family Matters
Amira's Graduation 1999, 18" x 15" x 2"
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Happy Birthday, Safra 1999, 18" x 14 1/2" x 2"
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Happy Birthday, Janine 1981, 30" x 32" x 4"
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About the Artist
David Turner was born in New York City on May 31, 1939. Within the 12 months surrounding that date two defining events of what would eventually be known as the Holocaust occurred. On Kristallnacht, November 9, 1938 persons previously trusted as friends and neighbors rampaged through Germany's cities attacking and murdering Jews, looting and destroying their shops, smashing and burning their synagogues. Less than a year later in October, 1939 in a small town in Poland, the elite of Germany's army, the Waffen SS, issued and executed the first official orders singling out Jews for death. The gates of Auschwitz yawned open.
Of the more than six million Jews murdered by Europe in the years 1939- 45, over one million were children. Had the parents or grandparents of Jews surviving today not fled the old countries; had Germany won the war; had Hitler's idol and American industrialist Henry Ford won his anti-Semitic populist campaign and become president of the United States, would a single Jew be alive today?
For David Turner Auschwitz is ever present. He does not consider himself just another American artist who matured in the shadow of The New York School; nor just an artist who happens to have been born a Jew. He sees himself, as every Jew alive in the wake of that War, a child of the Holocaust. It is this awareness that defines his life and work.
November 23, 1995 - David Turner
I
On November 22 the Government of Israel took the long overdue step of granting Jonathan Pollard citizenship. The hesitant manner in which this decision was made, the reactions of Jonathan and his sister, serve to illustrate why, after ten years incarceration, Jonathan faces yet another decade in prison. Esther, Jay's wife, described her husband as "delighted" by the decision. Yet at the same time that Jonathan was celebrating one of the rare victories of his long ordeal, his sister described Israel's action as a "Band-Aid... a dead end issue." Israel, she believes, cannot help; only the US Parole Board can. And, in her view, Israeli citizenship hurts his chances there.
At the time Pollard was sentenced, and in the years immediately following, American Jews at all levels of communal leadership publicly and privately expressed the belief that the Administration's tough stance towards Pollard was merely public posturing in the Year of the Spies. Since America and Israel are close allies, they reasoned, when things settled down Pollard would be quietly released and sent to Israel. In other words, Jewish silence was in Jonathan's best interest.
Family rightly rejected silence and used every opportunity to keep the imprisoned couple in the public eye. Unfortunately, the thrust of their response to unfolding events was misdirected, and inadequate. This was partly the result of a deep suspicion of Israel's commitment towards Pollard. After all, the Israel Embassy in Washington evicted the couple into the waiting arms of the FBI. And afterwards, Israel "cooperated fully" with the US in the investigation which was to become the basis for Jonathan's conviction. As a result, family underestimated or dismissed the willingness and importance of Israel to help Jonathan. Without Israel, family could see but one route available to them, the courts.
In the earliest days of Jay's ordeal Leon Charney, the prominent New York lawyer, volunteered pro bono to help Pollard. Charney, who had served as advisor to President Carter during the Camp David peace talks, and whose legal practice included many of Israel's most influential politicians, was interested in exploring a government-to-government agreement between the US and Israel to free Pollard. He was not interested in getting involved in the court battle. Yet when Pollard's paid Washington lawyers, the Hibey's, learned of Charney's interest they insisted his father choose between them. Morris chose the Hibeys.
During our written correspondence in 1987, Jonathan and I were in complete agreement as to the steps necessary to achieve his freedom. They included the obvious need to defend himself in court. But Jonathan also recognized that the court battle was unlikely to succeed. So a second, and parallel, Israel track was needed. Pollard understood that Israel's political leadership would be unable and unwilling, in the immediate wake of the Pollard Affair, to publicly support him. Justice for the Pollards aimed at building support for the Pollards in the Knesset which, we felt, would eventually be needed to encourage a cautious Israel Government to act on his behalf. We decided to launch Justice for the Pollards with a high profile visit by Pollard's parents to Israel. But illness made a trip by Molly and Morris difficult at the time, so we settled on Carol.
The success of the visit, in the first days of what was to become known as the Intifada, was immediate and concrete. Following several newspaper interviews and a highly successful television appearance, Carol and I were invited to the Knesset. At a meeting attended by 30 MK's, it was decided to draft a Knesset petition supporting the Pollards. By the time the petition was handed to President Reagan two months later, more than 70 Members of Knesset had signed the document. In addition to the Knesset meeting, Carol and I were also invited to meet with the Minister's of Justice, and Education, and with the Chief Rabbis.
Throughout our stay Israeli public opinion was overwhelmingly sympathetic and supportive towards Jay. And Knesset opinion clearly reflected the public. In only ten days Justice for the Pollards had laid a firm foundation of public and political support in Israel.
II
The failure to free Pollard cannot be blamed on any one party. The United States Government reneged on its promise of leniency under the notorious "plea agreement." But the United States is technically within the letter of the law in not releasing Pollard from prison.
Family should long ago have realized that they were squandering their limited financial and emotional resources in an obviously futile and endless legal battle. Not that they should have abandoned this effort. But Justice for the Pollards, the grassroots political effort, deserved equal interest. Despite early and well-founded concerns regarding Israel's leaders, in the face of the obvious successes in Israel by our trip, family should have put aside their feelings of betrayal. There was always overwhelming public and political support for Pollard in Israel. But nobody was committed to oversee its development. Family failed to appreciate what Jonathan had known all along, that the path to his freedom passes through Jerusalem. Carol's recent comments regarding her brother's Israeli citizenship and his upcoming parole hearings clearly indicates that the lessons of the past are yet to be learned.
American Jewish communal leadership was obligated to do more for Pollard. European Jewry paid severely for their temerity in the 1940's. And Pollard is suffering from their silence 50 years later. A clear and unambiguous American Jewish protest may not directly set Pollard free. But it would certainly send a message to Washington and Jerusalem, and encourage both capitals to speed up the process of his release.
The Israel Government deserves much blame for Pollard's continuing ordeal. Jonathan served Israel well and faithfully. One knowledgeable Israeli described him as the most important spy ever to serve the Jewish state. During our visit, a child in Beersheva was interviewed on television. Asked who Ben Gurion was, he was at a loss. Asked who Pollard was he exclaimed, "Pollard saved Israel!"
For Israel's leaders to have left Jonathan Pollard to his fate for so many years is morally inexcusable and an act of political cowardice. Israel is a country, and has at its disposal many diplomatic possibilities. On the flight to Israel with Carol the EL AL pilot took me aside to ask if newspaper stories about an imminent trade involving Pollard, an Eastern European agent, and an African were true? I confessed to being ignorant of such a trade. But the rumor points to at least one diplomatic avenue not pursued. An Israeli journalist described Pollard as a wounded and abandoned soldier. Israel, he said, does not leave her wounded behind.
Israel's leaders have recently taken a more public interest in Pollard. I was told that Yitzhak Shamir, as his last official act as Prime Minister, contacted the President on behalf of Pollard. An MK told me some time later that Yitzhak Rabin did the same as one of his first official acts as Shamir's successor. It is reported that, anticipating his upcoming visit to Washington, Rabin had drafted a letter to President Clinton regarding Pollard's release. Had he lived it is likely that he would have made his request in person to the President. Rabin's death was a terrible loss for family and country. And a tragedy also for Pollard.
It is ten years since Jonathan began his life sentence, ten years of dramatic change for Israel. For Pollard those years passed in tedious sameness, a gray loneliness and despair punctuated fleetingly by moments of hope. Israel has in her new Prime Minister a seasoned politician and diplomat. In an era of growing US-Israel codependency brought on by a fast changing Middle East, a climate of opportunity exists for Israel to free Pollard. Peres will leave soon for Washington. In the footsteps of his predecessors let him carry the message directly to the President that Pollard's freedom is not only just, but a national priority for the Jewish state. This is the least that Israel owes this man.
Israel is responsible for Jonathan. Israel must set him free.
by David Turner
y request of the artist, Philosph-E-mail From: Douglas Penn
In the 1960's campus life was filled with the excitement and energy of anti-war and social justice protest. Off the pig! was a popular slogan against perceived government and police oppression. Off the Rectangle! may not serve as a call to arms for social revolution, but it does draw attention to the artificial and unnecessary restrictions collagists allow painting to impose on our work. Collage is an independent craft and art medium and, like painting, depends on no other for identity or validation. Yet much of what today is produced as "collage" so conforms to the rules of painting as to completely miss the unique point and potential of our own medium. Painting typically begins with paint, canvas and stretchers. This pre-defines the final surface and boundaries of the resultant image. For painting the final image is almost always a relatively flat surface confined to a tradition-determined symmetrical outline. Collage, by contrast, begins with pre-existing objects, such as paper, wood and metal, all with inherent texture and three-dimensionality. The collagist combines and relates these irregularly shaped materials to form an internally harmonious image. There is neither canvas nor stretcher to pre-define or restrict the outline of the emerging image. Only the irregularity of an image consisting of its internally related visual and spatial elements. This is the natural process of a collage creation process allowed to take its own unfettered and non-predefined course. Irregularity and three-dimensionality inhere to the medium. Why then restrict the collage image to the artificial limitations of another art medium? Culture is by nature tradition-bound and conservative. Change is difficult because it demands artist and audience surrender the comfort of the known for the insecurity of the unfamiliar. Collage has the potential to revolutionize the visual arts. But only if the artist abandons the comfort of the flat surface and regular outline inherited from traditional painting. By clinging to the familiar the artist fails to appreciate the full potential of the medium, and condemns Collage to perpetual dependence on Painting for identity, and for validation. |
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